A MAN OF THE PEOPLE NARRATES A FAILURE OF LEADERSHIP

Chinua Achebe begins his pocket-manifesto-like book The Trouble with Nigeria by talking about what he feels is the root cause of all the problems in Nigeria:

The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or climate or water or air or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example which is the hallmark of true leadership.

The above statement can be used to read through A Man of the People not only in seeing who (and how) participates in failing the leadership institution, but in analyzing the aftermath of such a failure. Thus, although the story starts as a simple mundane visit to the Anata Grammar School by the local Member of Parliament (M.P.) it develops into a triangle, a kind of love wrangle of its own, between him and one of his former female students. 

This is the initial stage at which the loopholes of leadership the text aims at start being exposed. They are developed slowly as the nation is finally led to a coup (led because the events of the revolution are necessitated by the events of the time) and the story finally reaches its climax as the people kind of turn back not to ask that resounding question by Achebe, “when did the rain start beating us?”, but to reflect on their mistakes. As you can see asking the ‘when did the rain start beating us’ question at this point is not of importance since they are fully aware of when the torrential rains started, to the extent, they had better just sit and plan how to dry themselves. 

Like Anthills of the Savannah, A Man of the People can be seen as an Achebe’s commentary on the burning issues of his society. It's basis as a fictional text only makes sense when conceived from the point of view of its fictional characters, otherwise the setting is factual. 

It is this feature perhaps that critics have picked on in placing the text as among postcolonial texts. Simon Gikandi in Reading Chinua Achebe for instance sees it as concerned with the ‘Realities of the new Nation’ which is better interpreted as post-colonial:

…the problems that were going to accompany the country as it tried to seek the norms and values which would define its nationhood and as it sought what Fanon calls ‘the seething pot’ out of which the learning of the future will emerge.

As seen above the nation is termed new, or better still as a young nation, for it has just been conceived after independence transferring leadership from the colonialists to post independence African leaders who not long ago may or may not have been part of the independence struggle.

On the other hand the problems are wide and the challenge is not their discovery but the discovery of the ‘norms and values' to fix them. But one can confidently say the major issue or setback in the new nation is the weakness of nationalism. This is what, as we have seen in Achebe’s earlier comment, the root of the absence of true leadership. 

One Odili laments about the controversial issues surrounding the death of Max and Koko, the former having been avenged by his girlfriend Eunice, in the analogy of the village with a mind and the nation without any, and it is surely here where we know Achebe is talking about the ‘pitfalls of nationalism’:

The owner was the village, and the village had a (cosmic) mind; it could say no to sacrilege. But in the affairs of the nation there was no owner, the laws of the village became powerless.

Odili is first alluding to an earlier case where a shopkeeper, one Josiah, was chased away from the village after he cheated a blind man and took away his walking stick for he (Josiah) believed it could make him richer. 

Odili’s comments on this incident are not very different from Frantz Fanon’s on commitment to nationhood in the new nations:

The faults that we find in it are quite sufficient explanation of the facility with which when dealing with young and independent nations, the nation is passed over for the race and the tribe is preferred to the state.

And more specifically the problem is worsened by the state’s lack of mind and in essence lack of voice to demand for its rights.

In a nutshell, A Man of the People exposes the intrigues of grand corruption, dirty politics, degraded morality, the tussle between old regimes and young-turks or to put it differently the generational friction as well as political immorality which fans the sycophancy of the masses so as to maintain the status quo.

As a writer Achebe feels deeply concerned in participating in shaping the destiny of his nation. One actually sees how he moves from the narration of the events during the initial encounter of Africans with their colonial masters to the relationship among Africans themselves in the absence of the rulers. It is however important to notice that the rulers are not completely out of the equation as they still dictate affairs of the new nation from their capitals. 

Gikandi says the question has changed with the new role of the post colonial writer:

…what is the function of the writer in the new nation and is there a fundamental relationship between nation and nation…? The primary function of the post-colonial writer was the liberation of his country, the prison house of colonialism, especially as it was embodied in the colonial mentality.

Well, the role of the narrator in A Man of the People may not be too much emphasized as in Anthills of the Savannah. The two books however end on a low tone after some key characters in the story have been killed and the remnants are reflecting on their future – a way forward - becoming those who shall tell the story to the coming generations.

A Man of the People calls us to go deep in our reflection of the features of post-colonial Africa. It calls us to think critically of the leadership we have presently and whether that leadership is steering the ship in the right direction. There could be hope for the change for instance in the personalities such as that of Eunice who can avenge a fallen hero without asking to be paid, but the challenge lies in rallying enough people behind her for a similar cause, if not in killing ‘physically’ the likes of Koko, then in killing the rot in them.

Why Bett is a Good Bet

It is one thing to have dreams. It is totally a different thing to have them fulfilled. While dreaming only costs a nap, that is if we all agree to dream you must sleep first, it takes time if not money to fulfill some dreams. Actually some dreams are as costly as one’s life. 

That last challenge has however not denied men the opportunity to have dreams. Indeed, we know great personalities who have overcome unfathomable odds to stardom by cracking the core of their dreams. Their list is long and it pays less to mention them.

Then we have on the other side men who do nothing but day-dreaming. Such men are good at announcing their plans to escapade and beat the records of all known adventurers in the world. Yet come the day of departure they give excuses and will never travel. Such characters are said to have existed in the Akamba land and they must be the reason why our fore fathers invented the clan of the ones who say “I will do.” 

In kikamba they are called mbaa ngeeka, where mbaa is kikamba for clan and ngeeka is to say “I will do.” So among the Akamba there is a saying that goes mbaa ngeeka meethiiwe mataneka (the clan of those who say I will do, were found to have done nothing). 

This saying has been used to deride all those who pretend to have big dreams but make noise about it, at least at its least opportune moment.

Perhaps you have seen such lots many a places. Perhaps you have heard about them. Or perhaps you have attempted to advice them in vain for they never listen.

But perhaps you never realized they invest very little or nothing in their dreams. In essence then when they fail to fulfill their said dreams they will have lost very little or nothing at all. That is the main character trait of mbaa ngeeka.

At this juncture I am convinced if we want to look for mbaa ngeeka the best place to start with is among our politicians. Of course I admit it is important for a man to be optimistic. I also believe though mere optimism is the fateful seed that either fell on hard rock or on the soil that could not hold it to full growth and fruition. 

In the recent times – I wish to make this discovery for you – I have seen one man among our legislators who aptly fits the description of a mbaa ngeeka. That man is one Hon. Franklin Bett, Minister for Roads. Eeeh…which constituency did you say he represents in parliament?

Bett was reported in one of our dailies last week to have said he is ready to be anyone’s… read that again… anyone’s running mate in the forth coming general elections. Now that is equal to having a dream but having no idea at all of how to accomplish it.

By announcing he is waiting anyone to name him a running, since he is ripe for the task, he posits himself like a lad who just feels he is ready for marriage but isn’t sure the qualities he is looking for in the woman of his dreams. 

Politically that announcement ought to carry serious implications which can be misinterpreted and misrepresented at his peril.

First, Bett is an O.D.M fellow and one of the people in Kelenjin strong hold who have been active in keeping aflame Raila Odinga’s dream in the Rift Valley. By this announcement, is he saying he will ditch O.D.M and run to whoever will name him a running mate? Well, he doesn’t expect Odinga to name him a running mate, does he? Taking this argument further you realize his presence in O.D.M is to last up to the day he finds a suitor for the political marriage he anticipates.

With that you and I can surely bet he is as good as useless in as far as the progress of O.D.M is concerned.

Secondly, with that announcement he makes a declaration to the effect that he subscribes to no political ideology. I mean, if you put yourself in a position where you can be picked by anyone and go, it means you don’t mind what the ‘whoever’ comes for you subscribes to, ideologically. 

Again with that you and I can bet he is politically worthless. He makes no value in the business of voter brokerage. 

Worse still, you and I can make this bet, that he is one of the best case studies of our modern-day politician. I wish not to describe this modern day politician in the scathing manner the graffiti makers of Nairobi have done in the recent times, but one thing I know is this, his ideals have not been based on deep rooted personal belief and commitment to a special way of life that one looks at and exclaims “waooh, that’s how life ought to go.”

With that simple argument I present Bett as a good bet on the characteristics of the modern-day Kenyan politician. 

Finally, here is some advice for him: let him leave O.D.M so he can have more space for suitors. Still, I will not be surprised, though, if throughout the remaining electoral period no one makes advances to him… some traits are characteristic of the mbaa ngeeka.

THE RETURN OF WANGU WA MAKERI: A PLAY

I know by the time you are through with this piece you may conclude that am the most dirty minded creature in the world, the most archaic, most inhuman, most uncivilized. I know you will pick any statement that can aptly describe insanity and place it on me. Yet I feel you will pick one or two positive ideas.

Let’s start from that time when anything was possible, an epoch back when the cosmos beautifully held the world intact. During that time in the land of Gikuyu and Mumbi as the narrative goes (or so we were told), women through an authoritarian hand of one woman chief Wangu wa Makeri made life unbearable for men.

Surprisingly Wangu herself had been appointed by a male chief. It would thus have been modest for her to return a favor or two to the male chief if not to the men folk. Instead she is said to have been so harsh to her men (subjects) even commanding them to kneel before her sometimes so she could have stools to rest her legs. Stools that Murungu himself created – of course am aware that there seems to be no clear story of the origin of the men Gikuyu picked for his nine girls at the legendary grove. If you think otherwise tell me: were they also created by him? If so were they also special like Nyambura and her sisters? And if so how come Murungu did not want to give them names also? 

Wangu was loved if not adored by women who saw her as their solution to the patriarchal system they had seen before. Men on the other hand abhorred her, and that’s why they planned to overthrow her government, and how I wish I got a chance to interview the man who had planned the coup. So bloodless and cheap was it that the team only required to convince their women to lie in bed with them, or maybe it was the women who demanded their men to have the act done. After all they were powerful. All the women conceived at the same time, including Wangu herself and the prime time for the men came when they slowly became heavy with their pregnancies. 

That’s how the Gikuyu’s daughters went back to the patriarchal system they had fought against a little while ago. That was in the 19^th C. We are now in the 21^st C and going by the look of things women may be conspiring to tame men, if the recent stories from Nyeri about women battering their husbands are anything to go by. 

Again I take note of the fact that the men in this case may have called for their beating for being irresponsible. The cheap liquor they take is said to be ‘responsible’ for the many woes the women go through up to and including lack of sexual satisfaction. 

I am however not calling your attention to this. I am writing to raise your attention to the fact that the modern man will have a bigger challenge to counter the rough hands with which his modern woman will handles him. At least it is clear the tactics his peers used in the 19^th C will not be applicable in the contemporary society. 

Look here, in the 19^th C the coup leader only thought of impregnating Wangu and her female folk and the trick was done. But tell me which woman will be impregnated in the modern world just for the sake of humbling her. Unlike the 19^th C woman the modern woman has more opportunities to avoid pregnancy. Worse still she may even dodge carrying the pregnancy to term evading any attempt to tame her through a conception. 

So what’s the best idea to have the woman still want the man? I mean sex is simply and squarely a tool of power and any gender can use it to their maximum satisfaction like the Agikuyu men of the 19^th C. Does the modern man have any chance to rescue his sorry state through the same tool, ceteris paribus, meaning holding constant all the facts that some men are merely skunk cry puppies who will rarely rise to any occasion?

I propose to have a situation where the woman is made to scratch herself at the most of her woman hood and only have her man as the only person who can cool the itch. Let the man use any theatrics but by all means let’s have him subdue her in the due course. Let’s also have the men use the very drinking sprees as the democratic spaces at which they will open up to themselves. Let one cry baby after another narrate how they have been made to suffer the insults of women before a sober one among them gives this idea. The psychoanalytic interpretation of this is a simple one; a solution lies within them for their trouble but that requires them to be sober up, first and foremost. 

About what stuff the men will use to cause the itchiness…mmmh…’am still thinking. May be you can give me an idea. Although a time back I felt of having them apply a fine powder of stinging nettles on the under garments of the women (for down there), I feel afraid this may be too chastising.

See how I have created a play out of this? Do you also see that I have already presented you the play? 

Thank you so much then for attending the show. As long as you are reading this for the first time, then this is your premier show. I hope you enjoyed the cast and the whole rendition. 

‘Till we meet again for another show, you have been watching THE RETURN OF WANGU WA MAKERI, a play by Kioko wa Kivandi.

Media and The Politics of Identity

The politics of identity concerns the question of how we define our-selves and other-selves. Its ideology is a guide on deciding how we see the I and the other. Such a road map is critical when reflecting on the larger question of what a national identity is. Perhaps then, we need note the structure of a national consciousness is always anchored on it besides influencing the operations of the images we call media personalities the world over.

So powerful is identity politics that the whole world is run on it simply because all our interactions are based on how we perceive those we rub shoulders with, i.e. how we identify them – consciously or unconsciously. But on the other hand all our identities are based on dichotomies which are dangerously inseparable, a fact which does not exclude the media institution.

While at this we need to consider every media product (news bulletin, feature, program etc) as an analysis of society and that it’s only better to see such as a text or a work of art at its best.

Let us also appreciate the annoying truth of a poor reading culture of the society we live in, a disadvantage which the media has exploited to the maximum, making sure every time information resources are stack in a consumption basket those with their labels top the scale of preference.

Thus, out of the stiff competition of the later days everyone in media seems to be concerned with scaling up their game so as to get award winning ‘novellas’ if not ‘short stories’ to replace the aroma of what was once the task of local writers.

With this analogy of media products and art, we borrow from Ngugi wa Thiong’o on his idea of the interestedness of art when he said in Writers in Politics that literature (art) is a product of “the conscious acts of men in society,” to mean there can never be objectivity in writing – at least on an absolute scale – even if one is writing for the most democratic institution or is living in the most open society since the days of Adam and Eve.

Every writer, arguably, subjects his readers to accept his ideologies which are carefully crafted to represent the wishes of the group (read class) he belongs to at a given point in time. Note that in all this the media is not spared.

Going back to the dichotomies we realize that the media has a superior identity, justified by another identity which is inferior to it. It happens that this inferior identity is its audience which it manipulates with its ideas, though without any attempt to classify it whatsoever.

So the audience is clamped in a block of passive consumers suffering from the information fatigue syndrome – the unwillingness to probe further in to media content on the part of the consumers (read audience). Because of this the media have the courage to comment on everything including making a caricature of even the most powerful personalities in our societies since as it is when you have reduced someone you can cut their coat according to your pair of scissors and the availability of material.

At the individual level every media personality is an autonomous identity. It takes time to construct a personality to a level of a great opinion shaper. But once that level is reached the personality is transformed into a ‘god’, and becomes expensive for it to be hired and complicated to be fired.

A word from such an identity is powerful and can influence the masses with the speed of a cyclone. This explains why some of the powerful media personalities/identities are on record as having ‘announced’ anarchy in their countries. Callers will always jam phones during their on-air sessions in a bid to identify with them (a case of an inferior image getting power from a superior one). This is done in an attempt by the inferior callers to construct their ego and satisfy an unconscious desire of holding power in their hands if only in one second. It’s the best explanation of a craving for an identity.

In a nut shell politics of identity depicts what we are and what we eventually do as media personalities. It shapes our perception on how we see the world, yet most of the time we see it as automatic that media represents the right to information. We forget that media players are vulnerable to subjectivities, racism, utopianism, essentialism, poetic patriarchy and any other ideology which affects the ordinary man.

When we consume media products we unconsciously become part of those ideologies perpetuated by the media identities, now that we are fatigued by information and can’t question the ‘status quo’.